
An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace Author(s): Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson and Alastair Smith Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 93, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), pp. 791-807 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2586113 Accessed: 08-11-2018 22:43 UTC
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American Political Science Review Vol. 93, No. 4 December 1999
An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace BRUCE BUENO DE MESQUITA Hoover Institution JAMES D. MORROW Hoover Institution RANDOLPH M. SIVERSON University of California, Davis ALASTAIR SMITH Yale University
Wo He examine formally the link between domestic political institutions and policy choices in the context of eight empirical regularities that constitute the democratic peace. We demonstrate that democratic leaders, when faced with war, are more inclined to shift extra resources into the war
effort than are autocrats. This follows because the survival of political leaders with larger winning coalitions hinges on successful policy. The extra effort made by democrats provides a military advantage over autocrats. This makes democrats unattractive targets, since their institutional constraints cause them to mobilize resources for the war effort. In addition to trying harder, democrats are more selective in their choice of targets. Because defeat is more likely to lead to domestic replacement for democrats than for autocrats, democrats only initiate wars they expect to win. These two factors lead to the interaction between polities that is often referred to as the democratic peace.
T he study of international relations has produced few widely accepted generalizations. One of these, sometimes even asserted to be an empir-
ical law (Levy 1988), is that democracies do not fight wars with one another. The empirical evidence for this claim is quite strong (Bremer 1992; Maoz and Abdolali 1989; Oneal and Russett 1997; Ray 1995). Recent efforts to cast this empirical observation in doubt notwithstanding (Farber and Gowa 1995; Layne 1994; Schwartz and Skinner 1997; Spiro 1994), extensive, rigorous statistical tests all show a significant propen- sity for democracies to be nearly immune from wars with one another (Maoz 1998; Russett 1995). Associ- ated with this so-called democratic peace are seven additional empirical regularities related to war prone- ness and democracy, all based on empirical observa- tions. (1) Democracies are not at all immune from fighting wars with nondemocracies (Maoz and Abdolali 1989).1 (2) Democracies tend to win a disproportionate share of the wars they fight (Lake 1992; Reiter and Stam 1998b). (3) When disputes do emerge, demo- cratic dyads choose more peaceful processes of dispute settlement than do other pairings of states (Brecher and Wilkenfeld 1997; Dixon 1994; Mousseau 1998; Raymond 1994). (4) Democracies are more likely to initiate wars against autocracies than are autocracies against democracies (Bennett and Stam 1998). (5) In
Bruce Bueno de Mesquita is Senior Fellow and James D. Morrow is Senior Research Fellow, the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Stanford CA 94305-6010, Randolph Siverson is Professor of Political Science, University of California, Davis, CA 95616, and Alastair Smith is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Yale University, New Haven, CT 06520-8301.
The research reported here was supported by the National Science Foundation under grant SBR-9409225. We are greatly indebted to Raymond E. Wolfinger for his facilitation of this research and to David Austen-Smith, Fiona McGillivray, Will Moore, Bruce Russett, Kiron Skinner, Allan Stam, and several anonymous referees for their helpful comments. 1 Some studies suggest that democracies are, on the whole, more pacific than autocracies (Benoit 1996; Ray 1995). Yet, such general war avoidance cannot account for their relative propensity to fight with different regime types.
wars they initiate, democracies pay fewer costs in terms of human life and fight shorter wars than nondemo- cratic states (Bennett and Stam 1996; Siverson 1995). (6) Transitional democracies appear more likely to fight than stable regimes (Mansfield and Snyder 1995; Ward and Gleditsch 1998). (7) Larger democracies seem more constrained to avoid war than do smaller democracies (Morgan and Campbell 1991).
Although these observations about democracy and war are part of an important pattern, they lack a coherent explanation. Several possibilities have been put forward, but none has gained broad acceptance. We propose a game-theoretic model that may help bring closure to the debate on the causal mechanism governing the eight regularities mentioned above. The model will be shown to account for the empirical record regarding the first six of the eight patterns. The regularities concerning transitional democracies (Mansfield and Snyder 1995; Ward and Gleditsch 1998) and the constraints on great power democracies (Morgan and Campbell 1991) are stated in monadic form. These regularities cannot be evaluated in terms of a model of strategic interaction without additional information. Specifically, without data on the demo- cratic state’s adversary, we cannot evaluate the relevant institutional and resource relationships. We will pro- vide an interpretation of our model that is consistent with both monadic results, but we cannot undertake a more rigorous assessment.
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